Date: 10:59 AM 7/10/01 +0200

From: azad

Subject: I: 22-28/7 IN TURCHIA, OLTRE IL MURO DEL SILENZIO (vers

 

22-28 LUGLIO IN TURCHIA

OLTRE IL MURO DEL SILENZIO

 

 

DA GENOVA, OLTRE GENOVA....

UNA DELEGAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE SULLE ORME DEI "DESAPARECIDOS" DI SILOPI

E PER INCONTRARE A ISTANBUL MUYESSER GUNES E LE "MADRI PER LA PACE"

 

L'Ufficio d'informazione del Kurdistan in Italia ha diffuso alcuni giorni fa

un appello per una presenza internazionale nella delegazione che, promossa

dall'HADEP di Istanbul, dall'IHD e dalla TOHAV, partirł da Istanbul il 22

luglio per raggiungere in tre giorni le tre cittł di Sirnak, Silopi e Cizre.

Aderendo e rilanciando questa proposta, che vediamo in continuitł temporale

e ideale con il Genoa Social Forum, aggiungiamo una ulteriore proposta: che

gli italiani (ed eventualmente gli altri europei) che parteciperanno alla

delegazione incontrino, al ritorno ad Istanbul il 27 luglio, Muyesser Gunes

e il movimento delle "Madri per la Pace" di cui Muyesser Ć presidente.

 

CHI SONO I PROMOTORI

 

L'Hadep (Partito della Democrazia del Popolo) Ć l'unico partito della

sinistra di opposizione legale in Turchia, e rappresenta largamente la

popolazione kurda. Ha raccolto l'ereditł di diversi partiti sciolti uno dopo

l'altro dal regime, fra cui il Dep di Leyla Zana e degli altri deputati

incarcerati da sette anni. Amministra da due anni quasi quaranta cittł

turche, fra cui la metropoli Diyarbakir, ed ha tenuto recentemente il suo

Congresso nazionale ad Ankara con migliaia di delegati e centinaia di

migliaia di sostenitori confluiti da tutto il paese. Tenuto sotto la soglia

di sbarramento parlamentare del 10% grazie ai brogli e al terrore, Ć

minacciato di scioglimento in numerosi processi da parte dei Tribunali

speciali nonostante il suo ampio sostegno di massa, o proprio a causa di

esso.

l'Ihd (Associazione per i diritti umani) Ć la piŁ grande organizzazione di

questo tipo nel mondo, con ventimila membri. Il suo ex presidente ,

sopravvissuto menomato a un gravissomo attentato, Ć anche vicepresidente

della FÄdÄration Internationale del Droits de l'Homme. Nata

dall'aggregazione spontanea delle famiglie di migliaia di internati dopo il

colpo di stato militare del 1980, Ć anch'essa minacciata di scioglimento pur

essendo interlocutrice diretta del Parlamento europeo e di tutti gli

organismi europei e internazionali di tutela dei diritti umani, compresa

l'Onu.

La Tohav (Fondazione di studi sociali e giuridici), fondata da un famoso

avvocato vittima delle squadre della morte, raccoglie centinaia fra i

migliori giuristi turchi, ed Ć impegnata in attivitł di ricerca ed

elaborazione ma anche nella difesa legale, in Turchia e a Strasburgo, delle

vittime della repressione e in particolare della tortura, per le quali ha

aperto anche un ambulatorio di riabilitazione fisico-psicologica a Istanbul.

 

PERCHE' A SIRNAK, SILOPI E CIZRE

 

Sirnak Ć il capoluogo della provincia del Botan, di cui le altre due sono le

cittł principali, lungo il medio corso del Tigri, all'estremo oriente della

Turchia presso il confine nordirakeno. Per chi ha visto il film "Viaggio

verso il sole", Cizre Ć la cittł in cui il protagonista scopre con stupore

lo sferragliare dei carrarmati nelle strade...

La provincia di Sirnak Ć una delle quattro (con Diyarbakir, Hakkari e

Dersim-Tunceli) in cui recentemente il parlamento, su proposta

dell'onnipotente Consiglio per la sicurezza nazionale (ossia dei militari),

ha rinnovato per la 43.ma volta di seguito dal lontano 1987 lo "stato di

emergenza", ossia la sospensione delle garanzie costituzionali e

l'attribuzione di ogni potere al governatore locale - nonostante che

l'abolizione dello stato di emergenza (in sigla turca OHAL) sia stata

richiesta non solo dalla societł civile raccolta nelle "Piattaforme per la

Democrazia", ma anche dal Consiglio d'Europa e dal Parlamento europeo.

Essendo zona di confine, la provincia di Sirnak Ć terra di passaggio di

immensi traffici legali ma soprattutto illegali (petrolio irakeno in

violazione dell'embargo, armi, droghe, profughi), gestiti per lo piŁ dai

mezzi della potente TPIC (Turkish Petroleum Company) di proprietł militare,

dipendente dalla Gendarmeria.

E' infatti la Gendarmeria, e il suo servizio segreto, il famigerato Jitem, a

detenere il potere reale nella provincia, ed a rastrellare i profitti dei

traffici di cui non rimane nulla in una provincia devastata dalla guerra e

dall'esodo. Questo hanno gridato i cittadini di Sirnak al presidente della

Repubblica Sezer nella sua recente visita a Sirnak, rivendicando il ritorno

e la ricostruzione delle centinaia di villaggi distrutti dall'esercito e

rifiutando l'internamento nei "koy-kent" (cittł trincerate come campi di

concentramento) come quella di Basagac, che Sezer era venuto a inaugurare.

In questo triangolo la repressione Ć durissima da sempre.

La relativa attenuazione seguita alla proposta di pace e dialogo del Pkk Ć

stata rotta il 25 gennaio di quest'anno, quando nella caserma della

Gendarmeria di Silopi sono scomparsi i due giovani dirigenti locali

dell'Hadep, Serdar Tanis e Ekubekir Deniz. La loro scomparsa, che va ad

aggiungersi ai 6340 scomparsi "ufficiali" negli ultimi cinque anni e

probabilmente ai 1964 casi di "omicidio insoluto" calcolati nello stesso

periodo dall'Ihd (di cui cinquanta nella sola Silopi), Ć stata la goccia che

ha colmato il vaso. Le grandi manifestazioni che nel loro nome hanno

percorso in primavera tutta la Turchia, con scioperi della fame, veglie e

cortei di massa, hanno indotto persino l'Onu a intervenire, con una lettera

indirizzata al ministro degli Esteri Cem da Ivan Tosevski, Nigel Rodleuy e

Abid Hussain, rispettivamente responsabili Onu per gli "scomparsi", per la

tortura e per la libera espressione. Il caso, a sei mesi di distanza, resta

insoluto.

Nelle altre due cittł la situazione Ć analoga. Basti pensare che Mehmet

Dilsiz, segretario cittadino dell'Hadep a Cizre, ha dennciato in marzo di

essere stato sequestrato e minacciato di morte e di sterminio della sua

famiglia da parte di ufficiali della Gendarmeria, se avesse insistito a

voler aprire una sede locale del partito che aveva gił preso in affitto. Un

mese dopo Dilsiz Ć stato arrestato insieme al nipote ed a sette dirigenti

locali dell'Hadep.

Il 7 luglio il Turkish Daily News, quotidiano ufficiale in lingua inglese,

ha pubblicato una lunga intervista al responsabile provinciale dell'Hadep di

Sirnak, Resul Sadak, fratello dell'ex deputato Selim Sadak imprigionato dal

'94 insieme a Leyla Zana. L'intervista, che qui riproduciamo in allegato nel

testo inglese, Ć stata rilasciata subito dopo il rilascio di Sadak dalla

locale prigione, in cui era stato rinchiuso in base a una clamorosa

montatura della Gendarmeria.

 

DUNQUE LA DELEGAZIONE...

 

... composta da una trentina di esponenti delle tre organizzazioni

promotrici, intellettuali, artisti e politici indipendenti, e da un numero

per ora imprecisato di osservatori europei, conta di incontrare a Sirnak e a

Silopi le autoritł locali (governatore, vicegovernatore, procuratori

generali), e in tutte le tre cittł gli esponenti dell'Hadep e le famiglie

delle persone colpite dalla repressione - e dagli strascichi della guerra:

una mina ha recentemente ucciso quattro persone e ferito altre dieci.

In particolare si insisterł per ottenere notizie sulla sorte dei due

dirigenti politici arrestati e scomparsi a Silopi.

E' evidente, in questa situazione, l'importanza di presenze internazionali

(specialmente, ma non solo, parlamentari e giuristi) per verificare la

situazione e dare maggior forza e potere contrattuale alla delegazione.

Il lungo viaggio in autobus da Istanbul alla provincia di Sirnak sarł fra

l'altro un'occasione insostituibile di conoscenza diretta e di confronto fra

operatori e giuristi di diversi paesi. Sarł inoltre possibile verificare,

durante il viaggio, i segni della guerra e dell'esodo e le attese della

popolazione kurda.

In tutte le esperienze analoghe la presenza di osservatori europei ha reso

piŁ facile superare i posti di blocco militari e giungere a un contatto

diretto con le autoritł di governo locale.

 

L'INCONTRO CON MUYESSER GUNES

 

Siamo grati a Muyesser Gunes per aver accettato di incontrare la delegazione

italiana, insieme alle sue compagne del movimento delle "Madri per la Pace",

al ritorno a Istanbul il 27 luglio.

Per questa donna quasi cinquantenne Ć infatti un momento di immenso dolore.

Immigrata a Istanbul da un villaggio presso Siirt distrutto dall'esercito,

Muyesser aveva gił perso il figlio primogenito, ucciso a poco piŁ di

vent'anni dall'esercito nel corso della guerra partigiana in montagna. Ne ha

parlato spesso, con commozione, nei numerosi incontri avuti in una dozzina

di cittł italiane, a fine giugno, con organismi della solidarietł, donne e

movimenti femministi, amministrazioni locali.

Al ritorno in Turchia ha avuto la terribile notizia della morte del suo

secondo figlio Fuat, ucciso dall'esercito in circostanze ancora oscure con

ventuno suoi compagni nello scorso maggio sui monti presso Bingol.

Il marito di Muyesser era stato arrestato subito dopo la morte del figlio,

ed Ć stato rilasciato solo pochi giorni fa. Da sola, con l'aiuto dell'IHD di

Diyarbakir, Muyesser Ć riuscita ad ottenere che il corpo di suo figlio fosse

dissotterrato dalla fossa comune in cui era stato gettato, e le fosse

consegnato per la sepoltura. il "funerale" Ć avvenuto in piena notte, nel

cimitero di un villaggio diverso dal loro villaggio natale, con l'unico

accompagnamento di Muyesser e di un drappello di gendarmi e soldati.

Le sue compagne ci dicono che Muyesser ora sta meglio, e dopo le

tradizionali cerimonie del lutto familiare (in cui Ć stata visitata da

migliaia di persone) sta gił ritornando ad Istanbul per continuare con

maggior forza il suo impegno per la pace.

In Italia il suo incontro piŁ toccante era stato quello con le "Donne contro

il G8" a Genova, con dieci minuti di applausi ininterrotti e tante mani

strette alla sua. In quell'occasione Muyesser spiegś con parole semplici e

vere perchĆ la tenace lotta kurda per il diritto all'identitł confligge con

la globalizzazione.

Anche per questo vorremmo che tanti e tante raccolgano la proposta di

rivederla a Istanbul all'indomani delle manifestazioni di Genova, alle quali

parteciperł anche la diaspora kurda.

Secondo la ricostruzione fatta per l'IHD da Osman Baydemir, quello in cui

sono morti 22 guerriglieri fra cui il figlio di Muyesser Ć stato "un

massacro operato a freddo". I giovani, trincerati sui monti presso Yedisu

(Bingol) in posizione puramente difensiva (in coerenza con la scelta di

tregua unilaterale del Pkk), sono stati assediati a lungo, ed in parte

catturati e torturati, in parte uccisi con il lancio di bombe chimiche da un

aereo militare. Non un soldato Ć rimasto ferito, mentre la maggior parte dei

corpi, anche secondo l'autopsia ufficiale, presenta i segni di bastonature e

dell'avvelenamento chimico e non di ferite d'arma da fuoco.

 

L'ORGANIZZAZIONE DEL VIAGGIO

 

L'autobus della delegazione partirł da Istanbul, alla volta di Sirnak, nel

pomeriggio del 22 luglio.

L'autobus attenderebbe l'eventuale delegazione italiana, che proponiamo che

parta da Milano (piŁ vicina di Roma a Genova, per consentire di partecipare

alla manifestazione del 21 luglio) con il volo Turkish Airlines delle ore 12

(arrivo a Istanbul alle 15.50).

Con lo stesso autobus sono previste le tappe di Sirnak (23/7), Silopi (24/7)

e Cizre (25/7), e il ritorno a Istanbul il 26 luglio.

Il 27 luglio Ć previsto l'incontro a Istanbul con Muyesser Gunes e le "Madri

per la pace" kurde e turche (ed altri incontri che la delegazione voglia

proporre), per fare poi ritorno, a scelta, a Milano o a Roma il 28 luglio.

Il costo del biglietto aereo, essendo in alta stagione, Ć di ú. 820.000 piŁ

45.000 di tasse aeroportuali. Le altre spese di trasporto e alloggio sono

molto limitate.

E' anche possibile, naturalmente, raggiungere la delegazione direttamente a

Istanbul il 26 luglio per incontrare Muyesser Gunes. In questo caso perś,

per evitare un biglietto proibitivo, bisognerebbe fermarsi a Istanbul almeno

fino a domenica 29 luglio.

 

Chiediamo alle/agli interessate/i di prenotarsi immediatamente, per

consentire le prenotazioni del volo (i posti sono gił oggi molto limitati),

presso Azad 06.57302933, port. 339.6504639, fax 06.57305132, mail

ass.azad@libero.it, o presso la Uiki (06.42013567, fax 06.42013799, mail

uiki.onlus@tin.it).

 

 

 

Allegato - intervista a Resul Sadak (responsabile dell'Hadep a Sirnak) dal

"Turkish Daily News" del 7.7.2001

"People of Silopi used to losses"

Turkish Daily News

July 7, 2001

by Mert Gozde

Resul Sadak is the brother of Selim Sadak, former Democracy Party (DEP)

Sirnak

parliamentarian who was expelled from Parliament in 1994 and placed in

theAnkara

Ulucanlar Prison. Upon losing his chance of becoming a parliamentarian in

the 1999 general

elections, his party gave him the task of forming the Sirnak provincial

organization on Feb.

14, 2000. This marked the start of a series of amazing events. Sadak, just

released from

prison, answered questions  for the

Turkish Daily News.

TDN: For which accusation and in what manner were you put under custody?

SADAK: People's Democracy Party (HADEP) Sirnak Vice President Selim Bayar,

Central

Administrative Province Chairman Ezgar Osal and I took off from Sirnak to

Silopi at 9 a.m.

on April 15. Our aim was to visit the families of our  Silopi administrators

who had been

missing for five months.

We were stopped by the gendarmerie for a search and identity check when we

came to the

Kasrik Pass between Sirnak-Cizre. We weren't disturbed as  we were made to

wait two-three

hours whenever we passed there. While expecting a normal "wait" again, we

were faced with

different circumstances. The officials who had stopped our vehicle, after

half an hour, started

turning back vehicles coming in our direction, closing the workplaces in the

surrounding

area and sending their owners home. Upon realizing what was going on, I

warned the

members of our party that were next to me and called the HADEP Center to

inform the party

administrators of what was going on.

A soldier soon approached us and requested us to switch our vehicle's

direction from Cizre to

where we had come from -- Sirnak. I did what was wanted. Then a sergeant

approached the

car, made me get out, searched me and then took me to the hut located at the

search point.

With the order of the station commander Senior Staff Sergeant Ali Aktas, my

hands were

tied at my back and I was taken to the station. I was searched a second time

at the station.

Then I was blindfolded and asack was put over my head. We got in a car and

set off.

After a certain time, we reached the Cizre State Hospital. I was put through

a checkup there.

I couldn't understand why I was brought to the Cizre State Hospital whereas

we were closer

to the Sirnak city center. After the checkup I was brought to the town of

Kasrik. My friends

were waiting there. We were all taken to the Sirnak Gendarmerie Regiment

Commandership. A sergeant major there recorded my testimony. He informed me

that the

soldiers who had searched me at the control point had placed a complaint

about me. They

had stated that I had swore at them using the words, "The dogs of the

Republic of Turkey." I

was shocked.

I stated that I had made no such insult and added that there hadn't been any

arguments

between the soldiers and myself. I read my written testimony and signed it.

After being put

through another checkup at the Sirnak State Hospital I was brought back to

the gendarmerie.

I was under custody that night.

The next day I was brought in front of Sirnak Prosecutor Ali Goren. The

prosecutor asked

me whether I accepted my written testimony or not. I said that I accepted

that the written

testimony was mine but rejected the accusation that I had insulted the

soldiers. I was taken to

the court on duty and was acquitted by the judge. I went to the hotel where

I was staying in

Sirnak. The gendarmerie and police  came and took me at around 7:30 p.m.

They informed

me that upon rejection by the prosecutor, the court had issued an arrest

order concerning

myself, with a judgement given in default. I was taken to see the Sirnak

Gendarmerie

Regiment Commander Col. Levent Ersoz. Col. Ersoz placed a phone call and

ordered the

person on the other end of the line to put me in prison. They took me to the

Sirnak

Courthouse at around 9 p.m. The judge and prosecutor came, issued a warrant

of arrest and

sent it to the Sirnak Prison.

TDN: The judge that arrested you had set you free before. What was his

accusation this

time?

SADAK: I was arrested by a different judge. I was accused of  "insulting the

security

forces and abusing them." The accusation of abuse hadn't been  mentioned

while I

was testifying at the gendarmerie or at the Public Prosecutor's  Office. It

was put

forth when I faced the judge. I was shocked when the judge said, "Do you

know that

one of the soldiers that you struck has been given a report stating that he

cannot work for 10

days and the other for 15 days?" The sergeant and soldier who were given

doctors reports on

the grounds that they had been physically abused by me were present at the

scene and did not

look at all "beaten up." But the judge chose to believe them instead of me.

TDN: Are you physically big enough to beat up two soldiers? Can you describe

your height

and weight?

SADAK: My height is 1.63 meters and my weight is around 83-84  kilograms. My

weight

and height aren't directly proportionate. But I must not only  be physically

capable but also

crazy to beat up those soldiers. We are afraid to cross their shadows, let

alone beat them up.

If I really was to have resisted the soldiers, I probably wouldn't be alive

now.

TDN: You had been put under custody before. What had they accused you of

then?

SADAK: We attended the Batman Provincial Convention on Sept. 23, 2000. We

were

stopped at the gendarmerie control point, located at the Sirnak  border,

while returning the

same day. I understood something would happen when we were made to wait too

long. We

had never waited there in our former trips.

Extensive security measures had been taken. All vehicles had been stopped.

When

it was our turn, all sides of our vehicles were searched. They  searched in

the spare tire and

under the couches. They left when they couldn't find anything.

We didn't come across anything unusual until Idil. There's a police station

at the exit

of Idil. We were searched and our identities were checked there as well. We

realized that the

road was blocked by a panzer while approaching the Duzova Gendarmerie

Station linked to

Cizre. As soon as they took our identity cards, they wanted us to park our

vehicles in the

station's garden. I wasn't allowed to use my mobile to inform our party

administrators of

what was going on. They confiscated my cellular phone, blindfolded us and

put us in a room.

TDN: How many people were in your group?

SADAK: We were 13 people in all and were travelling in two separate cars.

The others were

friends from our party. We were brought to Sirnak in blindfolds and were

interrogated at the

gendarmerie station. They only asked questions concerning HADEP. They told

us that we

would face many problems if we  didn't stop organizing HADEP and threatened

us with

death. We weren't tortured or beaten.

When taken to court the next day, we were accused of carrying an  unlicensed

automatic gun

in our car. But no such gun was found in the search. No questions had been

asked about the

gun during the interrogation either. They had just pressured us to sign an

official report they

had prepared while we had our blindfolds on. I had rejected signing it.

After nine days in custody, we were taken to court on a Sunday. We were then

arrested and

sent to the Sirnak Prison. After spending two hours there we were sent to

the Mardin Prison.

We reached Mardin towards dawn. After spending a  month there we were

transferred to the

Siirt Prison. After staying under  arrest for 82 days, we were acquitted on

Dc. 12, 2000, by

the Diyarbakir Second State  Security Court (DGM).

TDN: What types of weapons were you accused of carrying in your vehicle?

SADAK: We were accused of carrying bombs, detonators, kalashnikovs and

illegal

organization flags. They also said they had found guns in a search

conducted in my home.

In fact, they made my family wait outside while putting a gun under my bed

and prepared an

official report stating that a gun had been found under my bed. They forced

my wife to sign

the report and threatened the neighbors when she refused. The fearful

neighbors signed it.

TDN: You were taken under custody at almost the same time as Osman Demir,

the chief

village guardian of the Batuvan tribe and independent mayor of the town of

Kumcati linked

to Sirnak. Didn't you come across each other at the gendarmerie or prison?

SADAK: Yes, we did. They arrested Demir the same day that I was taken under

custody and

sent to court. We shared the same cell for eight days in the Sirnak Prison.

He was transferred

to the Mardin Prison after being arrested.  He is there at the moment and

will be taken to

court on July 4.

TDN: Was he offended when taken into custody?

SADAK: You know he is a village guardian. Many members of his tribe work as

guardians.

They fought against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) for years and lost

many relatives

during the process. He has received many letters of commendation from many

of the

commanders for his successes. He can't understand why he has been taken into

custody

despite all his efforts on behalf of the state.

He said he faced a similar plot and stated that Col. Ersoz told him he was

working for both

sides and so they weren't going to work with him anymore. Demir was then

taken into

custody and put in a car. There was also a weapon called a "docka" in the

car, apparently.

He was taken out to open land where a hole was dug and the gun placed in it.

Demir's

picture was taken beside the gun. He was put on trial with the accusation

that he had "hidden

weapons for the PKK" and was then arrested.

TDN: What did he have to say about being taken into custody while claiming

to be on the

side of the state?

SADAK: He was very upset and said: "I received five letters of commendation

from

commanders of the security forces before today. The sixth was this custody.

I didn't deserve

such treatment."

According to him, Col. Ersoz said: "All Kurds are the same. Guardian, member

of HADEP

or MHP ... it makes no difference. After Osman Demir, they brought in the

mayor of the

town of Senoba, Seyhmus Babat. He too claimed this to be  a plot. Babat

reported that a

search had been conducted in his home in which authorities wrote a report

claiming to have

found 800 grams of hashish -- Babat claims that officials put this in his

home themselves.

Babat told us that he wasn't into the drug trade and even if he was, he

would've had more

then 800 grams. He too fought against the PKK with his tribe and lost many

of his relatives.

He kept saying he couldn't understand what was going on. The guardian of the

town of

Belveren who is also the mayor, Sait Sidar, was also taken into custody a

week ago,

arrested and sent to prison.

TDN: In one of your former statements you claimed that all that had happened

to yourself

and your friends was part of a plan trying to prevent the organization of

HADEP in Sirnak

and its surrounding. Did similar things happen in Sirnak?

SADAK: The HADEP chairman of the town Cizre, Mehmet Dilsiz, was threatened

with

death many times. He went to prison twice and was accused of carrying drugs

the last time

he was arrested. He was acquitted in his first trial which was on June12.

Now he is at home

and is still being threatened.

All HADEP administrators have been to prison. The last incident concerned

the head town

secretary, Mehmet Yumak, who was taken into custody by soldiers that had

surrounded his

home. He faced a similar plot. Officials put a kalashnikov gun behind his

refrigerator at

home and acted as if it belonged to him. First he was taken into custody,

then was sent to

prison with the accusation that he had an unlicensed weapon.

TDN: Do the ones that take you into custody reveal to you openly their real

aims?

SADAK: Col. Ersoz openly told us we should leave HADEP or we wouldn't

survive.

He told this many times every time we were arrested. He said: "My status and

position are

clear. You can complain to whomever you want."

Threats are sent via phone calls and messengers. For example, I set off from

Sirnak to

Diyarbakir on Jan. 3. Our Silopi administrators weren't lost yet at that

date. A car with a

civilian number plate blocked the road and two people with civilian clothes

got out. They

stated that they were members of the JITEM and said Col. Ersoz was waiting

for me in his

office. They insisted even though I told them I had come a long way and

would be late if I

turned back. Having no other alternative, I turned back and met Col. Ersoz.

He told me he

would strangle me in the Kasrik Strait if I didn't stop organizing HADEP. A

captain named

Kemal was present while Ersoz was sayingthese. All members of our party were

threatened

in the same way. Even people that helped HADEP were affected by this.

TDN: Why were people who weren't members of the party threatened?

SADAK: Salih Buldus rented his shop to us in Cizre. Some soldiers in

civilian clothing took

him out to open land and threatened him. They even took him to the home of

MHP town

chairman Abdurrahman Ciftci and told him to rent his shop to Ciftci if he

wanted to do so.

Ciftci replied saying he already had a place and didn't need another one and

asked why he

was made to confront this person.

TDN: Are you determined to be the HADEP chairman despite all these threats

and

pressures?

SADAK: Until the end. I want to keep up the struggle in the name of  peace

and

brotherhood. I won't back down no matter what kind of pressure is put on.

HADEP

is a legal political party and is organized everywhere in Turkey. If Sirnak

isn't a part

of this country and is being administrated with different laws, Ecevit

should make an

explanation. Then we can act in accordance to that.

The reason for our demanding an explanation is that when two of our

administrators from

Silopi were lost, Ecevit said he had no information concerning the subject.

However our

Silopi Chairman Serdar Tanis had informed the head of state, prime minister,

Parliament

speaker, chief of General Staff, justice minister, interior minister and the

Emergency Rule

(OHAL) mayor and prosecutor, with a petition saying that he was being

threatened with

death. We constantly get such threats.

I organized the HADEP organization in Sirnak over a year ago but I only got

the chance to

see the mayor in the newspapers. I have spent every week this past year

requesting an

appointment but I have been turned down each time. We haven't been able to

submit the

necessary documents even when we were establishing the party -- we had to

submit them via

a notary. This is because we aren't perceived to be people to be addressed.

We had to submit

documents via a notary when we were founding the organization in Cizre and

Silopi too. Not

a single head of thecivilian administration spoke to us. No matter what the

obstacle is, I

will go on with my struggle. I know I am not doing anything wrong or

illegal.

TDN: Are you thinking of applying to court about the plots you claim to have

been through?

SADAK: I am the chairman of HADEP in Sirnak but my family and home are in

Idil.

The gendarmerie didn't allow me to enter Idil before the last bayram. Upon

calling the Idil

Gendarmerie captain and asking him if he knew of the order, he replied: "Of

course I do. I

issued it so take your home and go wherever you want." I asked my crime and

received the

reply: "I'm not allowing you into Idil. You aren't going to spend this

bayram in your home."

He did what he said and I spent the holiday away from home, alone in Sirnak.

TDN: Are there any developments about the missing from Silopi?

SADAK: No, there are not. None of the authorities that we applied to have

said anything.

We shall go on making legal applications though. It is quite obvious where

they have gone.

The driver of the minibus carrying them witnessed these people being taken

to the Silopi

Gendarmerie Command. There are other witnesses as well. However, no one has

witnessed

them exit. Since where they have gone is obvious, the people there must know

what has

happened to them. We will go on with our efforts until these people make

explanations to us

and to the public.

TDN: What is the general opinion in Silopi about these missing people?

SADAK: The people of Silopi are used to lost people. Over 50 people went

missing in the

past decade in Silopi. Even their bones haven't been found. The people of

Silopi believe that

the same thing must have happened to the recently lost ones as had happened

to the previous.